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But some startling details have been confirmed, amid a raft of new suspicions emerging from conflicting FAA records.

Funding for Seal’s planes would come from sources close to those efforts.

“Jack” Singlaub had a long history of involvement in covert operations, beginning with service in the World War II Office of Strategic Services (OSS).

Favorably impressed, Vice President George (Poppy) Bush’s National Security Advisor Donald Gregg sent Rodriguez’s Pink Team plan to then Deputy National Security Adviser Bud Mc Farlane on March 17, along with a secret one-page memo on “anti-guerrilla operations in Central America.” This was also, according to later Iran-Contra testimony of Medellin Cartel money man Ramon Milian Rodriguez, when he began to launder, at Felix Rodriguez’ request, $10 million from the cartel for the Contras.

In secret, sworn testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics and International Operations, Milian Rodriguez claimed that he had been solicited by his old friend Felix Rodriguez.

— Retired Air Force Major General Richard Secord began managing an operation in which Israel shipped weapons captured in Lebanon to a CIA arms depot in San Antonio, Texas, for re-shipment to the Contras.

— Felix Rodriguez drew on his Vietnam experience and wrote a five-page proposal for the creation of an elite mobile strike force, called the Tactical Task Force (TTF), that would “be ideal for the pacification efforts in El Salvador and Guatemala.”– And at this exact same time, in the Spring of 1982, Barry Seal began flying private planes into a then-obscure airport in the secluded mountains of western Arkansas known as Mena.

When law enforcement authorities debriefed convicted “drug smuggler” Seal in late 1985, one of the cops present brusquely began by stating, “We already know about Seaspray.”] The “boys” were getting ready to go to war in the Spring of 1982: CIA agent Dewey Clarridge put a proposition to Contra leader Eden Pastora.

“He would become the star of the second revolution as he had been the star of the first,” — John Hull, whom Congressional sources said worked for the CIA since at least the early 1970s, rented a Contra safe house in San Jose, Coast Rica at CIA request.

Add to this mix the now irrefutable proof, some of it from the CIA itself, that then Vice President George H. Bush was a decision maker in illegal Contra support operations connected to the “unusual” acquisition of aircraft and that his staff participated in key financial, operational and political decisions.

All these events lead inexorably to one unanswered question: How did this one plane go from being controlled by Barry Seal, the biggest drug smuggler in American history, to becoming, according to state officials, a favored airplane of Texas Governor George W. Three months into an exhaustive investigation of persistent reports dating to 1995 that there exists an incriminating videotape of current Republican Presidential front-runner Bush caught in a hastily-aborted DEA cocaine sting, the central allegation remains unproven.

It has all the makings of a major box office thriller: Texas Governor and Republican Presidential contender George W.